Sunday, November 20, 2016

Why Trump Won

All of us bear some responsibility for the results of this election.

Beginning with the faults of my side, one can point to two main ones: a lack of empathy for those distant from ourselves culturally and geographically, and allowing identity politics to turn toxically divisive.

It has always amazed me that we allowed manufacturing to shrink as much as we have. All the arguments about globalization and automation making the decline of manufacturing inevitable are seductive, and may have evidence to support them, yet have never rung completely true for me.  We let those jobs disappear in large part because keeping them was not a priority, and as the putative defenders of working people, Democrats should have shown the most outrage at the hollowing out of American manufacturing.  But we were indifferent because we coastal liberals have been able to adapt to globalization.  Professorships of Media Studies are not, for the time being, going to be outsourced to Mexico (though who would mind?).  Foreign competition has put downward pressure on wages, when it hasn't wiped out entire industries.  Whether Trump is able to deliver on his promise to renegotiate NAFTA or not, at least he directly addressed the issue, which Hillary Clinton did not do in convincing fashion.  That cost her the election as much as anything.

Let us be honest with ourselves.  Liberals can be intolerant towards those not like themselves.  Ask a liberal Democrat or Green Party supporter to name one good thing about Southern Baptists, for example.  To be sure, I believe intolerance tends to be more intense on the Republican side, but those who see hypocrisy and inflexibility in liberal rhetoric on law enforcement and religion are not entirely off the mark.

I don't identify as a half Scots-Irish, half-Jewish American, but only as American.  Personally, I respect your right to 'identify' (note how this has become an intransitive verb in recent times) as anything you want.  I also recognize that it is not so easy for some people just to call themselves 'American.'  This said, identities have unfortunately become fiefdoms in recent years, to be defended with verbal and various other forms of non-physical violence.  This goes against one of the fundamental American notions, namely that our identity as Americans is our primary one.  Though I have found identity politics frequently obnoxious, and at times quite deleterious to our nationhood, I thought Hillary Clinton had the best chance to unify us.  Yet I can't dismiss out of hand the cultural alienation that led my fellow citizens vote for her opponent.

There is a third thing for which we all must take some blame: the coarsening not only of our public discourse, but of life in general.  Baby Boomers, many of whom are now registered Democrats, thought that by obliterating bourgeois culture they would usher in a kind of paradise of personal liberation.  Some people would have us believe that prejudice goes hand in hand with strict personal standards and veneration for institutions.  This is the worst kind of intellectual laziness.  I believe that drug use should not be legal, but should only involve the criminal justice system when it is a matter of large-scale narcotics distribution.  This said, the entry of drugs into mainstream culture has been calamitous for the social fabric.  The same goes for our decades-long undermining of institutions like school and marriage.

Trump got away with the outright indecency of much of his campaign because as a culture, we long ago decided that 'decency' was an arbitrary notion and therefore had no validity.  Acceptable language and behavior would be whatever we thought they should be.  That idea must have seemed well intentioned at one time, but has in fact proven immensely damaging.  We have jettisoned any kind of universal standard for what is shocking, so as dreadful as Trump's behavior was during the campaign, it is not a convincing argument to say that he should have adhered to common notions of propriety when no such notions exist any longer.

The internet was a kind of cultural weapon invented by those who thought that upending all the hierarchies of knowledge distribution would give humanity unfettered access to the ways of enlightenment.  Instead, you can make a convincing case that people know far less since the advent of the internet than before, and are much less inclined to seek out new ideas.  The internet and its multifarious offspring manipulated voters; it did not inform them, all told.  As much as NAFTA was vilified this election, did anyone take the opportunity to learn more about its actual provisions, as it is surely possible to do nowadays?  As others have already commented, people chose instead to use the means provided by the internet to wall themselves off from uncomfortable facts, and frequently from truth altogether.

This is what my part of the political and social spectrum has to answer for.  However, Trump supporters will be judged very unkindly by history.  They voted for a sexual predator who made overt appeals to racial division and whose core supporters frequently behaved disgracefully, that is when they were not utterly horrifying.  They should have been able to see that although their concerns may not have been addressed in a satisfactory way by Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump is a dangerously flawed figure who could, in a thousand different ways, harm their interests, as well as cause irreparable damage to our political traditions.  Liberals are right to say that racism and sexism are resurgent in America.  We should be ashamed, but instead many of us are defiant.  I have every sympathy in the world for the predicament of Trump voters, but none for the choice they made on election day.

Monday, March 21, 2016

Remembering the American Upper Class

We may never have had an aristocracy, but we did at one time have a distinct upper class.  Only tiny remnants of it still exist, miraculously, though its extinction is a foregone conclusion.  It has been replaced by a vaguely demarcated stratum characterized not by taste, tradition, and values but by wealth.  Anyone who is financially successful enough automatically enters this upper stratum and can freely enjoy its gains without fear of censure or exclusion in nearly all cases.

The American upper class quickly suffered a decline in its reputation, and was never able to recover. Its judgement had been thought of as unerring in the areas of business and, overall, politics (though it had little to do with the arts and with science), dating from before the founding of the Republic. However, beginning in about 1960, the complexity of world affairs developed beyond the capacity of the ruling class ('ruling' and 'upper' class being interchangeable) to respond adequately, and its errors of judgement and obtuseness were simply too damaging (when they weren't insufferable) for society to forgive.  At any rate, prosperity, the democratization of taste, and the path to greater equality brought the very idea of special class prerogatives into disrepute.

We no longer have the imagination or generosity to believe that a class 'system' is capable of anything other than meting out injustice and aiding the undeserving in clinging to ill-gotten privileges. However, if we could for a moment stop conceiving social class only as a thing that separates and limits us, we might be able to reimagine society in some surprisingly beneficial ways.

We forget, or choose not to remember, that whether it came close to living by its ideals or not, the old American upper class believed in virtue as an abstract notion; this idea barely exists nowadays, if it still does at all. The heritage of ethical and personal standards will inevitably be tainted by prejudice, vice and other human imperfections. Yet while the hypocrisy and prejudice of the upper class were harmful in a multitude of individual cases, its ideals set an example for everyone. The middle class was not in a position to hold the same exalted view of itself; its moral system was grounded in the here and now, and the consequences of deviating from it were greater.  But 'middle-class American morality' (which is also well on the road to extinction) drew its strength indirectly from the proffered example of the upper class.

We once believed that fortune favored the virtuous, but now we think it only favors the most clever.
While this must seem like a small distinction, it is impossible to exaggerate how far-reaching and, ultimately, damaging this subtle shift in thinking has been.  It is anything but an accident that with no distinct class of citizens espousing a certain level in taste in morals and aesthetics, behavior in both the private and the public sphere has deteriorated so markedly.  Very clever people are under no obligation to anything except the imperative of their talent; they can be only as public-spirited as they wish to be, and if they are, one notices it is strictly on their own terms.

While the old upper-class was insular, with acquisition of upper-class status not even possible even through merit, its engagement with society was much more robust than is the case with the so-called 'super rich' of today.  The preliminary evidence also suggests that the legacy of today's billionaires will not be nearly as lasting.  This is not entirely their fault by any means.  The degradation of the public sphere predates the arbitrary philanthropy of Zuckerberg, Gates, and so forth; there is no living tradition for them to adhere to (that is, even if they felt obligated to adhere to one, which is obviously not the case).

Today we simply can not accept the paradox of a class (the very notion of social class is itself unacceptable to most Americans) that, at the same time as it excluded even meritorious outsiders, was deeply invested in the welfare and progress of the nation it led. This speaks to the poverty of our imaginations. It is not consciously possible to return to the former state of affairs, even if we wanted to.  However, it could be beneficial to remember that culture, ideals, and manners are essential to those who would claim to lead society.